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AUTHOR: 


SEWALL, J.B. 


TITLE: 


GREEK CONDITIONAL 
SENTENCES 


PLACE: 


BOSTON 


DATE: 


1885 


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CONDITIONAL SENTENCES 


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SEWAL 


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HEAD MASTER, 


Boston 
ALLYN., 


1885 


JOHN 


PUBLISHER 


Ms 


L 


ADEMY 


GREER 


CONDITIONAL SENTENCES 


BY 


Ι. Bh SERWAL LD, 


HEAD MASTER, THAYER ACADEMY 


PREVIOUSLY PROFESSOR OF GREEK IN BOWDOIN COLLEGE 


. Boston 
JOHN ALLYN, PUBLISHER 
1885 


PREFACE. 


SoME years since, when teaching a class the members of 


which were using Professor Hadley’s Grammar, I drew off 
and had printed for them Professor Goodwin’s Classification 
of the Conditional Sentences, — then new, but now generally 
in use, and not only acknowledged as philosophically made, 
but as a great step in advance upon all previous treatment of 
the subject. In doing this at first, I condensed the state- 
ment as much as possible, and used my own phraseology 
and Professor Goodwin’s indifferently; but as the process 
was repeated for successive classes, naturally some change 
and growth took place. It first seemed an improvement to 
me, contributing to simplicity and clearness of apprehension, 
to view the sentences from the standpoint of the fact as 
hypothetically presented, — that is, whether the fact sup- 
posed is put forward as actual, or contrary to reality, or 
contingent, or purely as a conception, —and this change was 
incorporated. In the next place, I came to think that the 
distinction between the subjunctive and optative, as used 
in the third and fourth classes, was one of kind rather than 
degree, and the paper was made to conform. Finally, many 
pupils needed a more full and expanded treatment of the 


343694 


4 PREFACE. 


General and Relative sentences, and I endeavored to meet 
the want. ‘The result is the paper in its present form. It is 
hed, with Professor Goodwin’s cordial assent, for the 


future use of my own pupils, and for the benefit of any who 


any other grammar than Professor Goodwin’s ad- 


« 


light, from considering the 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


1. A conditional sentence is one in which the assertion 
made in the leading clause is modified by a condition, In 
other words, it is a supposition and a conclusion: e.g. “If I 
should depend upon promises, I should certainly fail;”’ “ If 
the weather continues favorable, the farmers will have good 
crops.” 

2. The condition is called the frofasis (πρότασις, from 
προτείνω), or simply the condition; the conclusion, the afodo- 


sis (ἀπόδοσις, from ἀποδίδωμι), or simply the conclusion. 


3. The condition is introduced by a conditional conjunc- 
tion: εἰ, ἐάν, ἄν, or ἤν, or a word implying condition. 
a. ἐάν is aunion of εἰ and ay, c being dropped and 
« and a standing without contraction; ἄν is the same 
contracted with the a sound prevailing, while ἦν is the 
same contracted with the ε sound prevailing. 
ὦ. ἐάν, ἄν (conditional), or mv, as a rule, stands the 


first word of its clause. 


Nore. — Exceptions are rare: as in Dem., Olyn. II. 28, ᾿Αμφίπολις 


κἂν Anon, — “even if Amphipolis is taken;” Phil. I. 29, τοῦτ᾽ by 
yévnrat, —“ if this happens;” Phil. I. 43, καὶ τριήρεις κενὰς καὶ Tas παρὰ 
τοῦ δεῖνος ἐλπίδας ἐὰν ἀποστείλητε, --- “and if you despatch empty ships 
and hopes from this person or that;” where the change of position is 
for emphasis. Κἄν as a first word does not constitute an exception, 


since the conjunction is only a connective of the clause. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


The conclusion is sometimes with and sometimes with- 
he particle av: z7thout, when it is a statement of actual 
future ; zz‘, when it 15 a State- 

ment contrary to fact, or when it is simply a conceived fact. 


σ an adverb modify- 


(1, 
εν 


ing the verb; al - 1tlon next after the most 


emphatic word in the « 
Suppositions are made with reference to single facts, 
sentence is then called Aarticu/ar,; or so as to sug- 
the mind an indefinite number of cases, and the sen- 
tence is then called γέ: €. £. Anab. ILI. 1, 25) εἰ ὑμεῖς 
ἐθέλετε ee ιᾶν. ἕπεσθαι U, LLY BovAopat, — mn if γί 11 Wl sh to set 
forth, I am willing to follow you.” Here the supposition is 
confined to a ᾿ μποίν case, or single instance, —a farticu- 
far conditional sentence. Thucyd. B. 11. 39, 4, ἣν δέ που 
μορίῳ τινὶ προσμίξωσι, κρατήσαντές τέ τινας ἡμῶν πάντας 
αὐχοῦσιν ἀπεῶσθαι, ----- “if at any time they have engaged with 
any portion [of the army], and have overpowered any of us, 
they boast that all have been repulsed.” Here the supposi- 
tion suggests an indefinite number of cases, and the conclu- 
and every one of erin is true every time 


Gener 77 conditional sentence. 


re four forms, or classes, of particular conditional 
id two of Νὰ 
Particular. 1. Supposition of actual fact. 
supposition of contrary fact. 
Supposition of contingent fa 
Supposition of conceived fac 
General. . Supposition of fact suggesting to the mind 
an indefinite number of cases in present 
or futur me. 
Seen f fact suggesting to the mind an 


δῶ Sony 


indefinite number of cases in past time. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


7, PARTICULA 


ae 


FOUR CLASSES. 


I. First Crass. Supposition regarding actual fact. 

εἰ τοῦτο λέγεις, ἁμαρτάνεις, ---- if you say this, you are 
mistaken. 

εἰ παρὰ τοὺς ὅρκους ἔλυε τὰς σπονδὰς, τὴν δίκην ἔχει, 
Anab. II. 5. 41,— if, contrary to the oaths, he was 
violating the truce, he has his deserts. 

εἰ δέ τις οἴεται μικρὰν ἀφορμὴν εἶναι σιτηρέσιον, οὐκ 
ὀρθῶς ἔγνωκεν, Dem. IV. 29, — if any one thinks ration- 
money to be small inducement, he has not rightly 
learned. 

Form: In the condition, εἰ with the indicative ; in the 
conclusion, the indicative without ἄν, or any form of expres- 
sion asserting actual fact, or the imperative. 

It is a simple ρθε regarding fact, without implica- 
tion one way or the other as to its actuality ; only if it zs or 
is not fact, then ¢¢ zs or is mof thus and so. 

εἰ βουλευόμεθα πάλιν αὐτοῖς διὰ φιλίας ἰέναι, ἀνάγκη 
ἡμᾶς πολλὴν ἀθυμίαν ἔχειν, Anab. III. 28, -- if we are 
deliberating going to them ia in friendly fashion, it 


must be that we are greatly discouraged. 

i μέντοι διαι οούμεθα σὺν ies ὅπλοις δίκην ἐπιθεῖναι 
αὐτοῖς, πολλαὶ ἡμῖν καὶ καλαὶ ἐλπίδες εἰσὶ σωτηρίας, 
Anab. III. 2. 8, — but if we intend to inflict punishment 
on them with our arms, we have many and fair hopes 
of safety. 

εἰ δέ τις ὑμῶν ἀθυμεῖ ὅτι, KTA,, ἐνθυμήθητε ὅτι, KTA., 
Anab. III. 2. 18, —if any one of you is discouraged 
because, etc., consider that, etc. 

εἰ δέ τις ἄλλο ὁρᾷ βέλτιον, λεξάτω, Anab. III. 
if any one sees anything better, let him oak 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


c 


ll ᾿᾿ , » Ὁ > i 4 ᾽ ; 

ὡς βραχὺς ἐστι ὁ πᾶς ἀνθρώπινος βίος, εἰ τούτων γε 
ἐόντων τοσουτων OVOELS ἐς ἑκατοστὸν ἔτος περιέσται, 
Herod. VII. 46, — how short is all human life if no 


they are, will survive to 


Ν ,)Ἅ | ra “~~, \ “ah / ν im ‘ υ ᾿ 
ει ὧἐε TH UMW ὀὁυσπολέμητον OLETAL TOV Φίλιππον €ivat, 


ὀρθῶς οἴεται, Dem. LV. 4,— if any of you thinks Philip to 


be hard to war with, he thinks rightly. 


II. Seconp Crass. Supposition contrary mct. It is 
implied in both c and conclusi hat the contrary 
is the truth, 


Ν 


Ει γι εἶχον, ἐδίδουν av, —if I had anything, I would give 
it (implied, I have nothing, therefore I shall not give). 
εἰ καλῶς ἔπραξε, ἐπῃνέθη av, — if he had done well, 
:: 


he would have been praised (implied, he did not do 


well, therefore was not praised ). 


Form: In the condition, εἰ with a past tense of the in- 


dicative ; in the conclusion, a past tense of the indicative 
with ἄν. 

The imperfect tense denotes present time, sometimes re- 
peated or continued action in past time ; the aorist or pluper- 
fect, past time. 

With the imperfect tense our English idiom is the same: 
“if I needed the article, I would buy it.’ “Needed ” is in 
the imperfect tense, but expresses present time, “ needed it 
now.” 


~ » ~ » ᾿ 


ἡμῖν y ἂν τρισάσμενος ταῦτ᾽ ἐποίει, εἰ ἑώρα ἡμᾶς μέ- 
νειν παρασκευαζομένους, Anab. Ill. 2. | ee he would 
thrice gladly do this for us, if he saw us preparing to 
remain. 

εἰ μέντοι τότε πλείους συνελέγησαν, ἐκινδύνευσεν ἂν δια- 


φθαρῆναι πολὺ τοῦ στρατεύματος, Anab. IV. 1. 11, — if, 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 9 


however. more had been assembled, a large part of the 
army would have been in danger of being destroyed. 

ἔγωγ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐκαλλυνόμην τε καὶ ἡβρυνόμην ἄν, εἰ ἡπι- 
στάμην ταῦτα, Plato Apol. 20. C.,—I should plume and 
pride myself upon it, if I understood this. 

εἰ περὶ καινοῦ τινος πράγματος προυτίθετο λέγειν, Hov- 
χίαν ἂν ἦγον, Dem. IV. 1, — if it were proposed to speak 
in relation to some new subject, I should keep quiet. 

εἰ τοίνυν ὁ Φίλιππος τότε ταύτην ἔσχε τὴν γνώμην, οὐδὲν 
ἂν ὧν νυνὶ πεποίηκεν ἔπραξεν, Dem. IV. oe if there- 
fore Philip had then held this opinion, he would have 
done none of the things which he now has done. 

εἰ μὴ ᾧμην ἥξειν παρὰ θεοὺς ἄλλους, ἠδίκουν ἂν οὐκ 
ἀγανακτῶν τῷ θανάτῳ, Pl. Phaedo, 63. B, — if I did not 
think that I should come to other gods, I should do 


wrong in not grieving at death. 


ITI. Turrp Crass. Supposition of contingent fact. The 
fact supposed is dependent upon circumstances or experi- 
ence, may or may not be true or prove true, is hanging as it 


were in the balance. 


ἐάν τι ἔχη δώσει, ---- if he has anything, he will give it. 
(It is uncertain. He may and he may not have any- 
thing. If it proves that he has, he will give it.) 

ἐὰν πράξῃ τοῦτο, καλῶς efer, —if he does [shall have 
done | this, it will be well. (He may do it, he may not, 


we shall see ; if he does, it will be well.) 

Form: In the condition, ἐάν (ἄν or ἤν) with the sub- 
junctive ; in the conclusion, the future indicative, or the 
imperative, or a form of expression implying the future. 

ἣν μὲν γὰρ ul ηφίσωνται ἕπεσθαι, ὑμεῖς δόξετε αἴτιοι εἶναι, 
Anab. I. 4. 15,— for if they vote [may or shall have 
voted ] to follow, you will seem to be the cause. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


y 


Anab. II. 1. 10, what will the soldiers get, if they do 


| may or shall have done | him this favor. 
ἐὰν ] ἀληθεύσης, ὑπισχι οὔμαί Tol δέκα τάλαντα, Anab. 
1 [if it proves that 
omise you [implied future] 


fy vA , - Ἢ ᾽ , 
ΤρεΨῊ TAS γνωμας, πολυ εὐθυμότεροι 


ἔσονται, Anab. ' 41, ‘any one diverts their 
thoughts, they 

TOA. μεν ἰσχυρότερον TALTOILEV, ἣν TLS προσίῃ, Anab. 
Ill. 2. 19, — we shall strike with much greater force 


if any one comes 
io δ i Mt ii Ὁ ᾿ ii ξ ω w Ν . 
Twi ri Κρατησωμεν, or μ᾽) τις ἡμὶν aAAos στρατος aQvTt- 
oT) KOTE ἀνθρωπωι " Her. \ ΓΙ. 53; —e Ws WE CONGUEr these 
no other army of men will ever withstand us. (Good- 


win’s Gr. § 257; Allen’s Hadley, 1032.) 


” , om al o_o Ὁ : “en oo . 4 " " 5.1 » ee 
ἀν ταῦτα TOPLOYNTE TA χρήματα, παυσεσῦ ἂει περὶ τῶν 


αὐτῶν βουλευόμενοι, Dem. IV. 33, —if 


‘ 


you will provide 
this money, you will cease always deliberating about the 


Same subject. 


κἂν μὴ vuov ἐθελ 


> sy \ Ὁ > ~ > ‘ao | 

VI LEV €KEL πολεμεῖν αντω. ἐνθαὸ LOWS 
3 , ΜᾺ ~ ΓᾺ , on 
ἀναγκασθησόμεθα TOUTO TTOLELY, Dem. L\ . - and li we 
πα ὧν αν νιν shih | Na Mi ri ae νων 
are not willing to war with him there, perhaps we shall 
be compelled to do it here, 
ευρησει Ta calpa τῶν ἐκείνου πραγμάτων αὐτὸς ὃ πό- 
λεμος, ἂν ἐπιχειρῶμεν, Dem. ΓΝ. Δ. mmm the War itself, if we 

i : Mg | δ H " wl 0 yl 
undertake it, will find out the rotten parts of his affairs. 


ΓΝ. FourtH Crass. Supposition of possible fact, or fact 


ΠῚ NCI reas lu ull Ih ἡ (ὦ v dh I | t "(Ὁ - ᾽ " 
COM eived only. l L1¢ fact supposed IS merely conceived 
and presented as existins ily in the mind—pure sup- 
position. 


oh 


» vl nih 4" ' a mn, / a ; wll 
εἰ ταυτα πρᾶάσσοι, μέγα THY πόλιν ἂν PAaWere, — If he 


should do this, he would greatly injure the city. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES, 


” " , ." th σι , 
TL €OTQL TOLS στράτιωταις, εαν αὐτῷ TAVUTA χαρίισωνται, 
‘ / " 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 1 

οἶκος δ᾽ αὐτὸς, εἰ φθογγὴν λάβοι, σαφέστατ᾽ ἂν λέ- 

ἕειεν, --τ ἴ[Ὡ6 house itself, if it should take voice, would 
speak most clearly. 

rm: In the condition, εἰ with the optative ; in the con- 


clusion, tne optauy ο νι ον. 


, ῃ » A » ~ \ > ‘ {ih Hl 4) , 
ὁδοποιήσειε γ av QuTOLS, Και ει σιν τεθρίπποις Pov- 


Nowro ἀπιέναι, Anab. III. 2. 24,—he would at least 
make a road for them, even if they should wish to go 
with four-horse chariots. 


" 


/ ¢ ~ a ~ 
πολέμιοι ἡμῖν ἀπιουσιν ETAKC- 


¢ 


᾿ “ ly al > 
οὐκ uv GCavpagousl, εἰ οἱ 


υθοῖε sah. III. 2. τφ-.--ὐ {{τῆ6 enemy should follow 
λοι ev, Ana 


us when we go, Ι shoul 


not be surprised. 


35 
Ϊ 


Ἂ , , ν᾿ > “ ) “" /) « ~ . , 
εἰ ἀποδειχθειη τινα XP7)> οὐκ GV βουλεύεσθαι μας θεοὶ, 


Anab. III. 2. 36,—if the right man should be ap- 


pointed, it would not be necessary for us to resort to 


counsel. 
. " ὡ vl ,’ , >| , , νΝ /) “Δ nee ai 
εἰ ορῳὴν υμαὰας σωτήριον Tt βουλευομένους, ἐλθοιμι αἱ ἢ pas 
ὑμᾶς Anab. Lil. 2. 2, — if I should see that you were 


devising something promising safety, I would come to 
you. 

εἰ νομίζοιμι θεοὺς ἀνθρώπων τι φροντίζειν, οὐκ ἂν ἀμε- 
λοίην αὐτῶν, Xen. Mem. I. 4. 11, —if I could think that 
the gods had any care for men, I would not be neglect- 


ful of them. 


GENERAL. 
TWO CLASSES. 


Supposition of ceneral truth or existing 


customary fact. 
The condition suggests to the mind an indefinite number 


Ὶ 1 lec ac “16 wach ν weary 
of cases, and the conclusion applies as true to each and every 
one of the cases which may arise, — 1s true every time the 


condition is true. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


ἱ 


Mary 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES, 


‘ Ν ἢ 


"ν᾿, ΝΜ ἐμ uh iM ; 
εαν O€ Τὶς δια )ΚῊ TO ἕτεροι καὶ λαμβά LI} > σχεὸ OV TL avay- 
hae sg λι Ι TTT, eT : Ρ h le ) a i 
KQACETAL « appar ει] καὶ τὸ TEPOV, τι We 60. Me 11 One 


ie and takes all but com- 


: ai ine other. 


Ν Ν , ͵ Ν᾿ ) or " , 
γγὺυς ἐλθη θάνατος, οὔδεις βούλεται ὕνησκειν, 


if death comes near [αἴ any 


case |, no one is willing to die. 


any form expressing 

‘ustomary, or repeated actio 
Χ ἂν ἀμ" ‘ « it ¢ , 4 4 ¢ ~ ! 7 
ἢν ΤΙ TEP μας ἀαμάρταψνωσι, Περι TaS εὔντων ψυχας 


" 


καὶ τὰ σωματα ἁμαρτάνουσι, Anab. ITI. 
+ any mistake in regard to us, they make mistake 
ird to their own souls and bodies. 
πάντες ποταμοὶ, ἣν καὶ πρόσω τῶν πηγῶν ἄποροι ὦσι. 
προϊοῦσι πρὸς τὰς πηγὰς διάβατοι γίγνονται, Anab. ITT. 
22,—all rivers, even though they be impassable at 
e from their sources, become passable to those 
‘tho go to their sources. 
οἱ δειλοὶ κύνες τοὺς μὲν παριόντας διώκουσί τε δάκνουσιν. 


Ἢ ~ ‘ ἊΝ Ν , , 
lll ἕω, ἡ oe "" a .. Hl 1 im 
yl OUVWYTAL, τοὺς O€ OlWKOVTAS per γουσιν, Anab. [I]. 2. +8. 


— cowardly δὼ are wont to pursue and bite passers- 
} 
| 


by, if they can, but flee from those who pursue them. 


» 


ἊΝ i f , , > ~ f ~ 
εαν εἰ χρρκννήρῳν ae Φιλισσον. εκεισε βοηθεῖν 


! 


ψηφίζεσθε, Dem. IV. — if you hear of Philip in Cher- 


sonesus, there you vote to ΡῸ to the rescue, 
SS. Supposition of general truth or cus- 
In past time. 
εἴ τις κλέπτοι, ἐκολάζετο, if any one stole [ever], he was 
punished [always ]. 


εἴ τις ἀντείποι. εὐθὺς τεθὶ ἥκει, if any one refused, he was 


immediately put to death. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES, 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 13 


Form: In the condition, εἰ with the optative ; in the con- 
clusion, the imperfect indicative without ἄν, or a form imply- 
ing repetition in past time. 

εἰ τι εὐρίσκοιεν τῶν εἰρημέι ων μὴ ἀφειμένον, ἀφηροῦντο, 
Anab. IV. 1. 14, —if they found any « 
tioned not left behind, they took them away. 


f the things men- 


εἴτις αὐτῷ δοκοίη τῶν πρὸς τοῦτο τεταγμένων βλακεύειν, 
ἐκλεγόμενος τὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἐπαίσεν ἂν (Goodwin, 200 ; 
Hadley, 704, fine print; Allen’s Hadley, 835 a), Anab. 
II. 3. 11,— if any one of those ordered to this duty 
seemed to him to be shirking, selecting the proper man, 


ῳ 


he would strike him. 


εἰ δὲ καὶ διαβαίνειν twa δέοι διάβασιν ἢ γέφυραν, οὐκ 
ἐταράττοντο, Anab. III. 4. 23, — and if it was necessary 
to cross any ford or bridge, they were not thrown into 
disorder. 


9. CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES. 


A relative word πο εἰν δι, or adverb), referring 
to an indefinite antecedent, a conditional force. It may 
then “ιν the place of the conditional particle εἰ in all the 
forms of conditional sentences, so that for each of the direct 
forms there will be a corresponding relative form. There will, 


therefore, be six classes, — four particular 


το. CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES 
PARTICULAR. 
FOUR CLASSES. 


First Crass. Su ipposition relating to actual fact. 


ὅστις τοῦτο λέγει, ἁμαρτάνει, Whoever says this [= if 


any one says this], he is mistaken. ‘The corresponding 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


. " | " w ~ , ¢ , r , 
direct would be, €i TiS TovTO λέγει, ἀμαρτάνει. [he rela- 


tive ὅς replaces the particle «i. 
ive word (instead of εἰ) 
indicative without 
act, or the im- 


the direct first, there 1S a simple supposition 


vithout implic ation one way or the other as to 


} } 


ality ; only, if it 


” ᾽ ῃ ’ ω } ‘ ’ ᾽ am 
OTOCOL μεν μαστευουσὴ [7}} @ &rayvTos τρόπου εν Τοὶς 


Ν . 


ai Ὁ Ὁ me Ne Wy, » . 9 ‘ ‘ ’ 
il AE[LLKOLS, OuUTOt KAKWS TE Και αισχρως ως ἔπι Τὸ πολυ (LTO- 


Ovnoxovow, Anab. III. 1. 43, — those who [as many as] 
strive in every way to live in time of battle, for the most 
part cowardly and disgracefully die (ὁπόσοι = εἴ τινες). 


™ ν 


Ol μὴ ἔτυχον ἐν ταῖς τάξεσιν ὄντες εἰς τὰς τάξεις ἔθεον, 
Anab. II. 2. 14, — those who did not happen to be in 
their lines ran to their lines (ct = εἴ tives). 

ὅτῳ δοκεῖ ταῦτ΄. ἀνατεινάτω τὴν χεῖρα, Anab. lil. 26. — 
let him to whom these things seem good raise the hand 
(ὅτῳ τς: εἰ τινι). 


, 


“ : os ‘ 4 + , νι 2a / » 4 
OCTLS VELOV TOUS OLKELOVUS ETLO VILE! LOELY, μεμνήσθω ΑἹ 1p 
͵ 


ἀγαθὸς εἶ! αι, Anab. ΠῚ, 2. τ), “Ὁ who of you desires to 


a 


see his friends at home, let him remember to be a brave 


man (ὅστις = εἴ τις). 
οὺς δὲ μὴ εὕρισκον, κενοτάφι va ὑτοῖς ἐποίησαν μέγα, καὶ 
στεφάνους ἐπέθεσαν, Anab. VI ἃ. 0, — and what [dead 
" Ἵ " r a on " 
bodies] they did no = if there were any they 
lid not fin hey made m a great cenotaph. and 
Γι NOT nnd |, the mace tm a great Cenotapn, ana 
placed garl inds upon it ( Tis πὸ et τινας). 
καὶ ἐπνίγετο OTLS νεῖν μὴ ETI ανεν ἐπιστάμενος. Anab 
ἐ ἐπ᾿ ͵ + | ᾽ Ι | 1 YX ν᾿ δ ‘ j Ss 4 Al ν 
V. 7. 25,--- and whoever [if any one] did not happen t 
. dalle I cil I | (111 Li | appel LY) 
know how to swim was drowned (ὅστις = εἴ ris). 
\ + 


ἃ μὴ οἱδα οὐδὲ οἴομαι εἰδέναι. PI, Apol., 2. D., — what 


I do not know, I do not think I know (ἃ ΞΞΞ εἴ twa). 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. I5 


Il. SECOND CLass. Supposition of contrary fact. As in 


" 


the direct conditional of the second class, it is implied in both 


condition and conclusion that the contrary is the truth. 

ὅσοι εἶχον, ἐδίδουν av, — as many as had would give, 

i. 6. if any had they would give (implied, none have, 
therefore they do not give) 

ὅσοι καλῶς ἐπραΐαν, ἐπηνέθησαν av, —as many as did 

well would have been praised, i. e. if any had done well, 

they would have been praised (implied, none did well, 
therefore none were praised). 

form: In the condition, the relative word (instead of εἰ) 

with a past tense of the indicative ; in the conclusion, a 


past tense of the indicative with av. 


As in the direct form, the imperfect tense signifies present 
time, and the aorist or pluperfect past time. 


va ΝΣ aw 


οἱ δὲ παῖδες ὑμῶν, ὅσοι μὲν ἐνθάδε ἦσαν, ὑπὸ τούτων 
δ εἰ a ) - ΥΩ 
ἂν ὑβρίζοντο, Lys. XII. 98,— your children who were 
here would be maltreated by them (ὅσοι = εἴ τινες). 


Ἁ Ἅ Ε \ 5) ~ , «A \ » / 
OUTE Oy ay QauTot ETEK ELNOUILEV TPAaTT ELV ω μὴ ἡπιστα- 


fl ν --»Ὦ ¥ , 4“ ΕἾ 
μεθα, οὔτε τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπετρέπομεν, ὧν ἤρχομεν, ἄλλο τι 


ev , 


, at > jn » »" - 
πράττειν ἢ OTL πράττοντες ὀρθῶς ἐμελλὸον πράξειν " τοῦτο 


o> Φ 


ὸ ἣν ἂν. οὗ ἐπιστήμην εἶχον, Pl. Charm. 171. E.,— for nei- 


͵ 
ther should we ourselves undertake to do what we did 
not know how to do, nor should we allow others whom 
we were ruling to do anything else than what, if doing, 
they were going to do rightly: and this would be what 
they had knowledge of. i Tia, ἂν = ἃ τινων, οὗ 


--- εἰ TLYOS. 
III. Turrp Crass. —Supposition of contingent fact. As 
in the direct, the fact supposed is dependent upon circum- 
stances or experience ; may or may not prove true. 


Ν 


Form: In the condition, the relative word with ἄν with 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


16 GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


the subjunctive; in the conclusion, the future indicative, or 
a form of expression implying the future. 


, 


As in the direct form εἰ is compounded with ἄν, forming 


9 


(ον. av, OT ἣν, SO here πο τιν word, when possible, iS 
( ompounded with ay. ihus ore av becomes ὅταν. ἐπειδὴ ἂν 
becomes ἐπειδάν, and ἔπει ἄν becomes ἐπήν. Otherwise, ἄν 


"y ] . ᾿ γῪ Ta! 1; » r γί Ys ᾿ > » ry » . cS wl κα m4 
stands 1mmediate ly AITE ne relative word. aS OS αν. OOTILS αν, 


oro. av, ELC. 


ἕλησθε πείσομαι, Anab. L. 3: 5 


1 ] ] 
you shall have chosen (ὃν 


hy r him 
ΟΌΘΥ Nim. 
a ep . “οὐ "ὁ 9 Δ Δ , 
ETTELOMI TAX LO TO 1) TTPATELA Anén, Eevbric ἀποπέμψω σε, 


Anab. ITI. 1. 9, just as soon as the expedition is 
ended, Ϊ will send you bac k {ἐπειὸαν — ἐὰν ποτε). 


+ ἊΝ ~ ἊΝ » re 
se oy a δὲ Ν) “τ tive ; - “μι 1) 
ἐπειὸὰν δὲ διαπράξωμαι ἃ δέομαι, ἥξω, Anab. IT. 3. 29, 


-when I have effected what I desire, I will come 
(ἐπειδὰν nei ἐὰν ΤΌΤΕ ) ᾿ 


ἃ 


πολυ C€ Η ἄλλον ῃ 


ev ΕῚ 


Tow ci [ουλωμεϑθα τευξόμεθα, Anab. 


oan ee ie ve shall hit much more certainly what- 


σον" we wich “ἥν iil |e ἐν}. 
δ ἡ ὧν ἡ... Idi LOTTO i oom COLE rlvos). 


. . ν ν 
αὐτου THOE PCVEOMEV ETT 
‘ / 


‘ 


> \ 4 ᾿ ᾿; 

ἂν καὶ τελευτήσωμεν, Her. 
y “ἃ 
av 


VII. 141, — we will remain here until we die (ἐστ 


ε). 
-Supposition of possible fact, or fact 


In the condition, the relative word with the opta- 


he ¢ ONCLUSION, the opt itive with ἄν. 


% ᾽ Ἀ 


i "nh , Ag AA AA ns " ὧν ἡ ἃ ~ Ὁ 
eyw yap OKVOLYIV GV εις Ta TAO ἐμβαίνειν CL ἡμῖν δοίη, 
a " ie sede) : 
Anab. I. 3. 17, —— I should hesitate to embark on the 
vessels which he would give us (ἃ ΞΞΞ εἴ τινα). 


Ν Ὗ " Py 


᾿ Ω Γ ΗΝ ; ba ii , Ἂ / o ͵ 
φοβροιμὴν ὁ ἂν τῳ ἡγεμόνι @ ὁοίη ἐπεσθαι, Anab. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. ΕΥ 


I should fear to follow the leader which he 


might give (@ attracted from ov—= εἴ τινα). 


/ “~ 


~ ey ‘ 5 4 w 
ToS Li Tiss) ἃ γέ μ᾽ ETLOTOLTO, TQAUTa σοῴος €L7) ; 


Mem. IV. 6. 7 -- how could one be wise in those things 
which he did not understand ? z. e. if a man should not 
understand things, how could he be wise in them? 


(a = ει τινα.) 


11. CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES 
GENERAL. 


TWO CLASSES 


I. First Ciass.— Supposition of general truth, or custom- 
ary fact in present time. 

As in the direct form, the condition suggests to the mind 
an indefinite number of cases, and the conclusion Is true 
every time the condition 15 true. 

Form: In the condition, the relative word joined with ay, 
with the subjunctive ; in the conclusion, the indicative pres- 


sent, or any form expressing present Customary or repeated 


4 


action. 
ra ἊΨ ~ 4 wo / ͵ ν᾿ φ' “᾿ ’ = 
00 ἀνὴρ πολλοῦ μὲν ἀξιος φίλος (ἐστι) ᾧ ἂν φίλος ἡ, 


Anab. I. 3. 12,-——the man is a valuable friend to 


whomsoever he is a friend; ze. if he ever becomes a 


ao 


friend to any one, he is [always] a valuable friend (@ av 


= ἐὰν τινι). 


-“ A » Ν f "ὦ . "ον τ EN 
εως ἂν ἐἑωσιν ευθδαιμονεστερον οιαγοντᾶς Τουτους Opw, 
7 ‘ | 


Anab. III. 1. 43,——as long as they live I see them 


living in greater happmess (ews ἂν -ΞΞ €ay τινὰ χρόνον). 


. Δ ‘ mn κι κι ας ἢ τατον 
ὁπότεροι ay υν TON GEOLS TALS WUVals ερρωμειῖ εστέεροιί 


Ν 5 4 Ἀ ͵ , Nh ¢ / ny rh. i λὺ ε > i , 
ἴωσιν ἐπὶ TOUS πολεμίους, τούτους ὡς ETL TO πολυ OL GYTLOL 


. of whichever - ᾽ 
οὐ δέχονται, Anab. Ill. τ. 42, — whichever [of two 


parties at war with each other] with more resolute spirit 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


with the help of the gods fall upon their enemies, these 
generally those in the opposite ranks do not wait to 
receive (ὁπότεροι ἂν ΞΞΞ ἐὰν ἕτεροι). 

ἡμᾶς δὲ δεῖ τοῦτο ὗ τι ἂν δοκῇ τοῖς θεοῖς πάσχειν, Anab. 
III. 2. 6,—it is necessary for us to suffer that which 
may seem good to the gods (6 τι av= ἐάν τι). 


Me tae ry ων aay eer 
οἵπερ ἱκανοὶ εἰσι TWCELY εὔπετως, OTAV [ούλωνται, Anab. 


y | 
“ 


| 


ily whenever they wi 


1 (ταν = ἐὰν ποτε). 


III. 2. το, --- [6 gods] who are able to save |men} 
is] 


. 
ey \ > 


ὃς AVOPES εἰσὶν OL TOLOLYTES ὁ τι ἂν ἐν ταις μάχαις 


γίγνηται, Anab. . 2. 18, —the men are they who do 
] yy om 40 ] "ὦ ἦν | ittle ΝΣ, πῃ. Mel ' 
whatever is done 1n battle (ὁ τι av ΞΞ ἐὰν τι). 
er ᾽ \ ‘ , aM b 4 / \\ if 
ΤΟΝ QUTOUS OLWIKWILEV, πολυ OUX OLOY TE (ἐστι) χωρίον 
Mitty 4 “"" 
ἀπὸ TOV στρατευμάατος OLWKELY, Anab. δ. ag | em 
whenever we pursue them, it is not possible to pursue a 
> army. 


εν 9 


»“ ᾿ Ἢ » " ‘ , ~ ‘ ~ 
OTAV μὲν γὰρ ιν. €UVOLAS Ta TT PQy [LT Oh OVOT?) καὶ Tact 


ταὐτὰ συμφέρῃ τοῖς μετέχουσι τοῦ πολέμου, καὶ συμπονεῖν 
καὶ φέρειν τὰς συμφορὰς Kal μένειν ἐθέλουσιν ἅνθρωποι, 
Dem. Olyn. 2. 9, for whenever a power is held 
together by good will, and is alike advantageous to all 
who share in war, men are willing to toil and bear mis- 


fortunes and wait. 


yw >» 9 


Αχαιοι TPWTLETM OLOOMEV, EUT ἂν πτολίεθρον 


, 


ἕλωμεν, Il. 11. 228, —— which we Achaeans give to thee 


the very first whenever we take a city (εὖτ᾽ a Attic 


ey μ.. o ἡ 
OTAYV ---- ἐὰν ποτε), 


I]. δὲ (ἼΑ55. --- Supposition of general truth or cus- 


tomary fact in past time. 


Form; In the condition, the relative word with the opta- 


tive : in the conclusion, the imperfect indicative without ay, 


A 


or a form implying repetition in past time. 


GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 19 

τὰ δ᾽ αὖ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὁπότε ἐνθυμοίμην, τὰς σπονδὰς 
μᾶλλον ἐφοβούμην ἢ νῦν τὸν πὸ] εμον, Anab. IIT. eta 8M 
— whenever I considered the circumstances of the 
soldiers, I feared truce more than war (é70re = εἴποτε) 

οἱ δὲ GAAot παρὰ τὰς τάξεις ἰόντες, ὅπου στρατηγὸς σῶς 
εἴη, τὸν στρατηγὸν παρεκάλουν, Anab. III. 1. 22, — the 
rest, going to the divisions where a general remained 
alive, summoned the general (ὅπου = εἴ που). 

ὁπόσον διώξειαν ot Ἕλληνες, τοσοῦτον πάλιν ἐπανα- 
χωρεῖν μαχομένους ἔδει, Anab. III. 2. 10,— as far as the 
Greeks pursued, so far was it necessary to make their 
way back again fighting (ὁπόσον = εἴ ποσον). 
ὅπῃ εἴη στενὸν χωρίον προκαταλαμβάνοι TES ἐκώλυον τὰς 
παρόδους, Anab. IV. 2. 24, — wherever there was a nar- 
row place, seizing it beforehand they tried to hinder the 
passage (ὅπῃ πὶ εἰ my). 

ὑπότε μὲν οὖν τοὺς πρώτους κωλύοιεν. Ξενοφῶν ὄπισθεν 
ἐκβαίνων πρὸς τὰ ὄρη ἔλυε τὴν ἀπόφραξιν τῆς παρόδου. 
Anab. IV. 2. 25, --- whenever they were hindering 
the van, Xenophon, leaving the rear and ascending the 
mountains on one side, broke the blockade (ὁπότε = 
εἴ ποτε). 

ἐχρῶντο δὲ αὐτοῖς οἱ Ἕλληνες, ἐπεὶ λάβοιεν, ἀκοντίοις, 
Anab. IV. 2. 28, --- ἴῃ Greeks used them as javelins 


whenever they found them (ἐπεὶ = εἴ ποτε). 

ὁπότε παρείη, οὐδεὶς ἄλλος βασιλέα ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον 
» ae) . ‘ 7 - > I Ἂν Υ̓ = race 
ἀνέβαλλεν, Anab. IV. 4. 4,— when he was present, no 


other lifted the king on his horse (ὁπότε = εἴ ποτε). 


follows: 1. It is complete, requiring no grammar for those who take Latin for 


»o char¢t time ὦ Tt ie concice withont heine deficient in material for drill. 3. It 


COMSTOCK’S FIRST LATIN BOOK. 


A First Latin Book, designed as a Manual of Progressive Exercises and 
Systematic Drill in the Elements of Latin, and Introductory to Cwsar’s 
Commentaries on the Gallic War. By D. Y. Comsrock, M. A., Instruc- 
tor in Latin, Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. 12mo, half leather. 


210 pages. $1.00 


The design of this book is to furnish a Manual, complete in itself 
which shall give a thorough preparation for the intelligent study of Cesar’s 
Gallic War. It contains I. A Brief Review of English Grammar: IJ. 


) 


The Elementary Principles and Definitions of Latin Accidence: III. The 


Latin Lessons, with exercises for translation, notes, and test questions ; 


; 
IV. The Notes, giving a concise but complete outline of all essential princi- 
ples of Latin Syntax; V. An Appendix of all the necessary forms of 
inflection ; VI. Latin-English and English-Latin Vocabularies. 


Itis heartily commended by the many teachers who are 
using it as superior to all other books of the same class, in the 
vital points of fulness and accuracy, of clearness and concise- 
ness, of judicious gradation and arrangement, and of absolute 


completeness. 


Joun S. Waite, LL.D., Head-Master Berkel y School, New York City.~ 
Comstock’s Latin Book Ϊ find the ~ ok fo 11} se that | have ever used 


The review of English Grammar separation of the voeabu- 


laries from the exercises ; judicious and progressive presentation of the various 

uses of the verb in and the condensed exhibit of the gram- 
“yr “ Y ΑἹ δυ ro νων “ὦ " ᾿ μ Ἴ » 

mar, -“ are suc h Valuadie MALUTCS crathered Within the covers of a text-book. that 


it has no riv 
C. S. Moore, Principal High School, Taunten, Mass. —Uaving compared 
he » +} yo | γγ ἡ γν +5 Ϊ 
book with several other « wmentary Latin books, | have come to the conclusion 


é‘ ¢ oly ? } 4 . . 
t Comstock’s is the best one for our use. My reasous tor preferring it are as 


follows: 1. It is complete, requiring no grammar for those who take Latin for 
a short time. 2. It is concise without being deficient in material for drill. 3. It 
is judicious both in the arrangement of vocabularies, notes, &c., and also in the 
eradation of matter. 4. The ὁ" Essentials of Grammar’’ and the ‘‘ Notes on Syn- 
tax’ give, in about 90 pages, a very useful and conveniently arranged summary of 
all that the ordinary pupil needs to know. 5. The brief synopsis of English 
Grammar gives an opportunity (much needed) to review the fundamentals of Eng- 
lish Grammar, and compare and contrast them with those of Latin Grammar. 


[ find no other book that combines these advantages. 


N ATHAN THOMPSON, Δ.Ν.. Principal Lawrence Acade mY, Groton, Wet 


It is altogether the best Latin book for beginners with which I am acquainted. 


Professor H. W. Jounston, //linois College, Jacksonville, Illinois. — It seems 


to me superior to any book of the kind ublished, and [ Γι gard the Essen- 


tials of Latin Grammar as the best statement possible of what a boy must learn in 
his first year. 


Professor Joun L. Coorer, Vanderbilt Preparatory School, Nashville, Tenn. — 
With reference to the book, I can speak only in the highest terms. Indeed, I do 
not think that there has ever been issued an Elementary Latin Exercise Book that 
can compare with it in any respect. I say this advisedly, as I have examined 
almost all issued in this country, and the most prominent English ones; and, with- 


out hesitation, I pronounce Mr. Comstock’s the best book of its kind published. 


Professor H. C. Misstwer, High School, Erie, Pa.—It is very easy to see 
that Comstock’s First Latin Book is the work of a thorough teacher, who has had 
actual experience in the class-room with the difficulties which beginners in Latin 
usually meet [ts classification and methods are thorough and complete. The 
language is so clear, so simple, and school-like, that the dullest pupil, if he read 
carefully, should understand without further explanation. Mr, Comstock has hit 
the nail on the head. He knows just what and just how much grammar is needed 
for cood, clean work. We have had Leighton and Jones, — both good, — but we 


like C'omstock more, because it is better 

Professor R. F. Pennewny, Jlead-Master Buffalo Latin School, Buffalo, 
V. ¥.—I have examined with care Comstock’s First Lessons in Latin. The book 
shows the hand of a practical teacher, who understands the difficulties which are 
constantly encountered by the beg in Latin. I consider it the best book yet 


published on the subject, and shall at once use it in the Buffalo Latin School. 


JOHN ALLYN, Publisher, 30, Franklin St. Boston. 


of the [liad of Homer, Books I.-VI., leaves so little room for fault-finding that we 
haantifnl nf 


“ἢ 


jy γε} Γι 


Fan_cimila 


| T T 4 ΤᾺ aia 7) 4 2 CO T τὴ Fgh § ἤϊε thea titlanagma ic a 


ehall nat attamnt anw 


LIAVAT DO D?oQ 


HOMER’S ILIAD.— BOOKS I1.-VI. 


With an Introduction and Notes by Ronert P. Keep, Ph. D., Williston 


Seminary, Easthampton, Mass. 12mo, cloth. 364 pages. $1.50. 


In this edition much labor has been bestowed upon the introductory 
matter, which constitutes a distinctive feature of the book. It contains an 
Essay upon the Origin, History, and Transmission of the Homeric Poems, 
giving in the form of a connected narrative full explanation in regard to the 


Homeric question ; an Essay on Scanning, which presents the subject in a 


simple, untechnical way, and illustrates the Homeric verse by the aid of 


English hexameters; and a concise yet complete Sketch of the Homeric 
Dialect. The Notes have been made quite full, and aim to supply that col- 
lateral information so much needed in the study of Homer. References 
are made to the Greek Grammars of Hadley (Allen’s new edition) and 
Goodwin. 

A very attractive feature of the book is a perfect fac-simile of a page 
of the famous Venetian Manuscript of the Iliad,—the best manuscript of 


Ἰ 


Homer and one of the finest of all existing manuscripts 


No pains have been spared to make this the best-equipped 
and the most useful edition of the Iliad which can be put into 
the hands of a pupil, and it is almost universally accepted, not 
only as the best school-edition in the English language of any 
part of Homer, but also as a text-book of altogether exceptional 
merit. 


Professor J. H. Wricur. Dartm ‘ollege. —It possesses many features 


. 


that place it far beyond all its competit 


. ν OLLAR, f δὲς J dull 4 i) A d ᾿ STON, - mi 1s certainly 
one of the most AUTITUL, AS , fis ne of the ) " j school-books: in 


fact, I don’t know what couk ter suited to the ' Nanak 
l ς what could bett uit to th ls a student beginning 


’ Ὶ 
reek. 


» ng » Υ ὧν ” 
" QQ yy ' " δ }}) “d . + } " Υ Y 
Professor B. L. Crtuey, Phillips Exeter Acad xeter, N. H.— When my 
Tn, "4 “ly am re ke hea af | Ωγ" } \ ! . iti ᾿ ᾿ i 
next class take thi shy ΚΣ use you edition. It is just the 
thing for them. 


Tne Nation, N. Y. t is seldom that we feel called upon to express un- 


alifie¢ ry Y “obs 10 () : i, 4 | {yyy ¥ . P Γ 
qualified approbation of a text-book for schools; but Mr. Robert P. Keep’s edition 


ae Na a Cr ITV ἫΝ 


of the [liad of Homer, Books I.-VI., leaves so little room for fault-finding that we 
shall not attempt any. Facing the titlepage is a beautiful fac-simile of a page ot 
the Codex Venetus A (13 x 10 inches), the most important MS. of the Lliad. The 
introduction gives a very good summary of the results of investigations of modern 
scholars as to the origin and mode of transmission of the Homeric Poems ; and, 
though necessarily brief, it will vet inform the student of what many quite recent 
text-books of the Iliad do not, that there is such a thing as “the Homeric ques- 
tion,’’ and impart some ‘a of its nature and the different answers which have 
been given to it. The sections on the structure and scansion of Ilomeric verse, 
on the dialect of Homer, and the commentary generally, show a nice appreciation 
of what a student needs and ought to have. Altogether the book is very handsome 
vnd very scholarly, and we have no doubt will prove very useful. (October 18, 
1583.) 

Professor JAcon Cooper, val devs wll qe, New Brunswick, N.J.—No col- 
lege edition of Homer has appeared, either in this or any other country, in the last 
twenty years, that shows knowledge of what is needed in the class- 
room. 

Professor N. L. ANDrEws, Madison University, Hamilton, N. Y.—A more 


satisfactory edition of the first six Books of the Iliad than this by Dr. Keep could 


hardly be prepared. Every scholarly instructor and every good student wiil value 


especially the introductory matter. 

Professor GrorGe H, Wunirtr, Principal Preparatory Department, Oberlin 
College, Ohiv. — Keep's Iliad is evidently superior to any edition now m use, and 
we have voted to adopt it for our classes. The introductory matter is valuable, and 
includes a satisfactory outline of the Homeric forms; the notes are scholarly, grace- 
ful, and suggestive ; and the whole work reveals the hand of the experienced απὸ 
enthusiastic teacher. 

Professor B. Perrin, Adelbert College, Cleveland, Ohio. —I can clearly see that 
it is by far the best in the field, and I shall at once recommend it for the preparatory 
department, and use it myself. I am especially grateful for the chapter on scai- 
ning, Which could not be improved ; also for fac-simile of Venetus, and the 
table ot grammatical references; but above all for the wealth of class-room ex- 
perience which has been incorporated in the book. That cannot be supplied by 
mere erudition. 

Professor Cnas. Ἐς. ΘΜΙΤΗ͂, Vanderbilt Unive rsity, Nashville, Tenn. —I have 
examined Keep’s Iliad with the greatest care, and consider it by far the best Amer- 
ican edition, and, indeed, one of the very best text-books we have. 

Professor ALEXANDER Kerr, State University, Madison, Wis. — Keep's Iliad 
is incomparably the best edition which has appeared m this country. 


+> 


JOHN ALLYN, Publisher, 30, Franklin St., Boston. 


SELECTIONS FROM LUCIAN. 


With Introductions and Notes by Cuartes R. Wiiirams, A.M., Professor 
of the Greek Language and Literature in Lake Forest University. 


l6mo. 540 pages. $1.40. 


The general Introduction has been made long and full, from a belief 
that the student’s interest and enthusiasm in an author are quickened by 
a knowledge of his personal and literary history, and by an acquaintance 
with the conditions under which he wrote and the purpose of h's writings, 
The special Introductions to the several selections will, it is hoped, be found 
useful in stimulating the curiosity of the student and in putting him in 
sympathy with the surroundings and object of the piece. The Notes have 
intentionally been made ample, as it is thought that Lucian will be used 
especially for rapid reading; and there are frequent references to the stand- 
ard grammars. Attention is constantly called to peculiar Lucianic con- 
structions and words, and to other later usages. Historical. archzxological, 
philosophical, and mythological questions are succinctly discussed, with 
references to the original authorities or to modern treatises. 

His modern tone. his felicitous style, his strong common sense, and 
his abounding humor make Lucian delightful reading; and it is hoped 
that this edition may help to make his writings more widely used in our 

} than has hitherto been the ca: 
or rapid reading or for reading 
ling and temper, 
how the witty debate will 
has furnished an edition which will] 


Goodri ἢ, Unive rsity of 
a χ- 


"A convenient edition of Lucian has | ng been needed. The want has now 
been met bv Professor W iliams’s industry and scholarship, and I have no doubt that 
the book will be d ily appreciat i he dit r has Lecty his introduction all 

is most essential for the stud » Know res} ing the author of the dialogues 
and respecting the dialocues themselves * while the ἡ 3s show a most judicious 


choice between the extremes ἃ too great fulness and barrenness of illustration. 


The typography and external ; ppe: we are unexceptionable.’? — Prof. Hi nry M. 


‘gotten up as are all of your 


of serviceabl 


and | hoy e τὸ put it tos ractics tes elore long,”’ rof. RB, Perrin, Western 


Reserve Colle Je, 


Θ τι xt-books, 


JOHN ALLYN, Publisher, 30, Franklin Street, Boston. 


ARCHAIC GREECE 


AND THE ‘BAS 2. 


By) ee 


x. W. E. GLADSTONE, ΜΡ, 


HE SECTION FOR ARCHAIC GREECE AND PHE EAST. 


ARCHAIC GREECE AND THE EAST. 


ςς, 


HoweEVER indulgent may be the audience that I hav 
( 


6 
the honour to address, some apology is unquestionably 
e 


necessary for the association of my name with th 


] 
work of an Oriental Congress. Ignorant of the 
languages of the East, I am not cognizant of its 
races, manners, and institutions, except at a period 
which must still be termed pre-historic, although 
some important parts of what belongs to it have, 
during the present century, gradually acquired the 
solidity of history. That, however, was the period 
when, from a central point in Asia, population 
radiated towards most, if not all, points of the com- 
pass: under a kindred impulsion, but with incidents 
and destinies infinitely various. 

The oldest civilizations tolerably known to us are 
those which appear to have sprung up with a marvel- 
lous rapidity in the Babylonian plain and in the valley 
of the Nile. With one or both of these was minis- 
terially associated a navigating and building race, 
which touched the Persian Gulf eastwards and the 
Mediterranean westwards, and probably kept open 
and active the line of trafic and passage between 

B 


the two. Through this race seems to have been 


distributed over the coasts of the great inland sea, 


and beyond them, a knowledge of the arts. It 


was this wealth of the East, which was thus 
gradually and irregularly imparted, to relieve the 
poverty and develop the social life of the West. 

The receptivity, so to speak, of the different 
countries and races lying within the circle of these 
visits would appear to have been extremely 
diversified, and the traces of the process are, for 
the most part, fragmentary and casual. In one 
case, and in one only, there is cast upon it the 
light of a literary record. Of all that was said or 
sung on the shores of the Mediterranean in those 
shadowy times, nothing great or weighty has 
survived, with the solitary, but inestimable and 
splendid exceptions of the two works known as 
the Poems of Homer. They alone (to use the lan- 
guage of a great modern orator) have had _buoy- 
ancy enough to float upon the sea of time. In 
them we see the life of those times, such as it was 
actually lived. We see it as we see in some great 
exhibition what is termed going machinery. They 
exhibit to us, as their central object, in the forma- 
tion stage of its existence, the nation which then 
inhabited the Greek Peninsula, together with im- 
portant, though isolated or subordinate, traits of 
other races and lands. 


We have then before us the following group of 


facts :—First, there is a great treasure of social art 
and knowledge accumulated, perhaps for the first 
time, by human labour in the East. Secondly, we 
have a seafaring people on the Syrian coast, filled with 
the vivid energy of commerce, who left in different 


shapes on every accessible shore the marks of im- 


ported arts. Next we have obtained, during the 


present century, a large access of independent 
knowledge, which exhibits to us the particulars of 
these Eastern civilizations in their original seats, and 
which, as we shall see, has found its counterpart or 
echo in some recent researches of Western arche- 
ology. To this we have to add, from the Poems of 
Homer, a delineation of what may fairly be called 
contemporary life, which is so copious as to apparently 
exhaust the whole circle of the simple experience of 
those times, and to be indeed encyclopezedic. 

It may seem, then, that we possess in the poems 
rare and unrivalled means of interpreting the voice- 
less treasures supplied from the various sister sources, 
and of estimating now, somewhat less imperfectly 
than heretofore, the aggregate of the original debt, 
which Europe and the West owe to Asia and the 
Kast. 

And here I reach the point at which, if anywhere, 
I may find an apology for my intervention in the 
proceedings of an Oriental Congress. For what I 
may fairly term a long and patient, though necessarily 
often intermitted, study of the text of Homer may 


" Ἢ 


possibly enable me to offer a small and exotic con- 
tribution to the great and many-sided purpose of the 
present distinguished assembly. 

In approaching my immediate subject, I have 
no other concern with the long and, in the main, 
unprofitable group of controversies, known as the 
Homeric question, than this—that I have to treat 
the Poems as an integral mass of contemporary 
testimony to the life, experience, and institutions of 
a particular age and people; to which they add other 
collateral illustrations. Whatever speculators may 
have fancied as to their origin and authorship, the 
general rule has been to treat their contents as 
an unity for practical purposes. Whether the aim 
has been to describe the Zeus or the Hermes of 
Homer, or the ship, or the house of Homer, the 
voice of the Poems has been accepted as one 
authentic voice. The chief exception to that rule 
has been made in the case of the glimpses of 
other religions supplied by the Odyssey ; glimpses 
which, in my firm opinion, do not impair, but 
illustrate and confirm belief in that unity of mind 
which has governed the composition of the Poems. 
But this is a point on which it is unnecessary to 
dwell. 

In considering the contributions of the East to the 
life and manners of the Achaians—for that is the 
designation most properly attaching to the Homeric 


Ψ 


forefathers of the Greek nation—I shall not begin 


with religion. We are not now inquiring what 
elements of religion were carried westwards by those 
who progressively migrated from the central seat in 
Asia: but what aggregate of all arts and knowledge, 
after the first peopling of the Greek Peninsula, was 
imparted to its inhabitants and their neighbours from 
the stores of those Eastern civilizations which had 
been developed during the intervening ages, and 
through the medium generally of the Phoenicians ; 
that is to say, of that navigating race, who were, to 
all appearance, the exclusive intermediaries of inter- 
course by sea between Asia and Europe. 

It is recognized as a certainty that this people 
formed the maritime arm of the great Egyptian 


Empire. But commerce 1s comprehensive 1n 105 sym- 


pathies, and disposes men rather to profit as neutrals 


by the quarrels of other people than to share in them 
as parties; so a people like the Phoenicians would, 
in the natural course of things, and regardless οὗ 
partisanships, be carriers from Babylon and Assyria, 
or from any region with which they traded, as 
well as from Egypt, with which they had a distinct 
political relation. | 

But now is the time to make an observation of 
vital importance with regard to the comprehensive 
meaning that attaches in Homer to the Phoenician 
name. | Whether the Achaian Greeks themselves 
devised that name to describe a set of strangers who 


frequented their coasts, we have no means of know- 


) 


Ἢ 


] ( » 7 TOW ΥΩ γ Ἱ 

a It derives, however, no support or illustration 
ww 7%) yen oT | , 

rom the Pentateuch, or (as I believe) from the 


ait dase τ 7) ν ͵ . 
monuments. But for Homer it seems to cover every- 


thing found in the Achai bits 
g nd in the Achaian Peninsula that was of 


foreign origin. Not that the poet is fond of tracing 
the particulars of arts and manners to their aes 
sources. The intense sentiment of nationality, which 
led some Greek states of later days to covet the title 
of Antochthons, was most of all tibeiine in him; and 
it 1s, for the most part, by undesigned ΠΑΡ Ὁ σθαι 
alone, and by the careful co-ordination of particulars 
sometimes brought together from afar, that we are 
able to make out the large catalogue of Achaian 
i a to the East. But whether the question 
e of persons settling in the peninsula, or of things 
brought by or learned ee sty a aye 
rll g e visitors who 
came irom the south-eastern corner of the Mediter- 
ranean, all of these apparently had but one vehicle 
and that vehicle was the Phoenician ship. Ae: 
sequently all came to carry the Phoenician name 
or to run up into Pheenician association, for the 
contemporary Achaian. Much as to the Turk of 
later days every Kuropean was a Frank, so to the 
a of Homer all persons and hier reaching 
them over sea were bound up with his Phee : ‘li 
name. ‘The designation accordingly covers ee 
the bold mariners of the time, het everything rib 
which they were the purveyors, or ipa’ the 


" 


vehicle ; in a word, all Syrian. Assvrian Keyptian 
h ‘ 1, 45) ἴ ἢ 


4 


and generally all Kastern meanings. What it indi- 
cates is a channel; and all that came through that 
channel is embraced by it. This extended use 
of the term would appear then to have a more 
consistent basis than that which I have quoted as 
Europeans were all Franks in 


a parallel usage. 
hich gave the designation 


Turkey by a metonymy Ww 
of the majority to the whole. Egyptians or Egyptian 
subjects were reckoned as Phoenicians (φοίνικες), 
because, all reaching the Achaians in Phoenician ships 
and Phoenician company, they presented in this 
particular a real unity of aspect. 

Taken in this pervading sense, the first Phoenician 
gift to the Greek Peninsula would appear to have 
heen one connected with civil institutions. We obtain 
a view of it through the remarkable phrase Anax 
andrén. Nothing can be simpler than the meaning 
of the two words. They signify not king of men, 
but lord of men; the word anazr designating a class 
and not an oftice. 

The phrase is most commonly applied by Homer 
to Agamemnon. But it is also used for five other 
persons, and with indications which, though far 
from complete, are abundantly sufficient to show 
that it is not a merely ornamental invention of 


the poet, but a note attaching strictly to particular 


persons in virtue of some common quality or attri- 
It is not royal, and does not indicate 
for the word anax is wholly distinct 


bute. 


supremacy, 


from basileus (a king), and only indicates in 
Homer, as applied to men, the higher class of men 
or some notable member of that class. It i 
heritable, for it is civen both to Aineias and his 
father Anchises. It does not go with powerful and 
marked individualities ; for Agamemnon is only. as a 
character, one of the second class amono the κεναὶ 
chieftains, and all the others are lower a Romerie 
rank. It is not national, for it is enjoyed by Trojan 
princes. It is ancient: we find it home Lat Αἰδονῖου 
two full generations at least before the Trojan War. | 
_ Agamemnon was the fourth? ruler in his family 
since, apparently under Pelops, it first TUE 
connected with Greece: while the Dardanian line 
in which we find it, was the senior of the two ata 
branches in Troas, and is carried upwards from the 


time of the War through six generations, Shall we 


suppose the Anaz andrén to have been the Governor 
or Satrap, sent over sea from Kgypt at the climax of 
its power when it ruled the Greek Peninsula and the 
neighbouring regions at a period preceding, εν an 
interval we cannot yet define, the age of the Trojan 
War? We should thus find an explanation consistent 
with all the facts for a phrase which certainly 
requires an explanation, and which otherwise ties 
out for it in vain. | | 

This phrase supplies us with the oldest his- 
toric note of settled and regular government in 


’ Il. ii. 104-8, 


9 


(sreece. 
kingship, but because we find organised, under 
Augeias who had borne it, the peaceful institution 


of the Games. which we know to have attracted 


Not only because we find it associated with 


bards as well as horses from neighbouring districts. 
As we have no trace of any struggle connected 
with the Egyptian invasion, it may be that the 
foreign rule, loose in its character, after the manner 
of Asiatic rule, was easily established over a popula- 
tion living by agriculture, and dwelling village-wise 
(komedon) ; and that, under the larger organizations 
thus created by degrees, may first have grown that 
consciousness of strength, and that capacity of pro- 
gress, which led, after a time, even to national 
reaction against the foreigner. 

This reaction took the various forms of the 
Theban and the Trojan wars, of the Colchian 
expedition, and probably also of an Achaian share 
in the now historically known combination of eman- 
cipated or struggling neighbour States against 
Egypt in the time of Merephthah. This remark, 
however, requires something of detailed exposi- 
tion. It is not from Homer himself that we 
are to expect any willing indication of the pre- 
valence at a former time in his already glorious 
country of a foreign rule. Yet we are not wholly 
without evidence from extraneous sources of a con- 
6 title of Anazx andrén and the 


1 
nexion between tl 


' Tl. xi, 698, sqq. 


10 


᾿ς} 


great Egyptian Empire. For example, we learn 
from the Egyptian monuments that in the fourth 
year of Rameses II., at the close of the 15th 
century B.C., the Dardanians of Troas fought as 
allies in the armies of Egypt under Maurnout, King 
of the Hittites, and that after a series of years they 
returned to their own country. Nothing could be 
more natural than that, in virtue of this political 
connexion, the ruling Dardanian line, which pre- 
served its Separate existence down to the period of 
the Trojan War, should be invested with an Egyptian 
title. Ἰ 

In the case of the Pelopids, we find ourselves pro- 
vided, by the discoveries of Schliemann at Mycene, 
with evidence of a different class, but tending with 
the highest degree of likelihood to the same result. 
In the Agora at Mycenz, Dr. Schliemann discovered 
four tombs’, of which Mr. Newton said that we must 
rest content with the “reasonable presumption” that 
they contained Royal personages; and as to which 1 
believe that no one now disputes their belonging to 
the heroic and prehistoric age. If so, they surely 


" 


also belonged to the house which during that age 


discoveries there, I have set forth a number of con- 


siderations connected with the Poems, which there is 


1 Mycene, Preface, p. XXVii, 
2 pp. xxiv. xxviii. seq. 


1 


not time to notice here, but which tend towards the 
conclusion that one of these tombs may contain the 
remains of an historical Agamemnon himself. But 
it is enough for my present purpose to observe that 
the title of ἅπας andrén was descendible from father 


to son, and that it is accorded in the poems to 


personages altogether secondary—viz., Eumelos, Il. 


Xxill, 288, 354, and Euphetes, xv. 3952; who is 
nowhere else mentioned by Homer—-in all likelihood 
on this especial ground. 

We must, therefore, suppose it probably to have 
been inherited by Agamemnon; and there is no 
counter evidence to impair the reasonable conclusion 
that the sovereigns buried in these tombs belonged 
to a line having the title of Anaz andron. 

But, on the other hand, these sepulchres offer us 
numerous and clear notes of connexion with the 
usages of the Egyptian Empire. Among these are 
the presence in one of the sepulchres of the scales for 
weighing the actions of the deceased, which recall 
the Book of the Dead; the use of gold leaf, which 
was found as it had been laid over the countenances 
now long decayed; the position of five bodies 
stretched in a long but narrow tomb, not along 
but across it, with inconvenient compression from 
lack of space, but in the direction of east and west,’ 
and facing westwards according to the usage of 
Egyptian burial. Such, in fact, is the strength of 


1 Mycene, p. 295. 


12 


Egyptian association as to these tombs, and other- 
Wise established by the Mycenian remains, as to 
leave little r om for reasonable doubt on its existence. 
And thus we have the title ‘of Anaz andron once 
more placed in relation with Keypt, since it clearly 


subsisted in the Pelopid line, and since individuals 


of that line were in all likelihood the occupants of 


Mycenian sepulchres. The title itself is of so marked 
a character that we are led to connect the assumption 
of it with some great event, and such an event would 
undoubtedly be the first mission of Pelops, or the 
first hea 


Ϊ οἱ the Pelopid house. to bear rule on 
behalf of Keypt in the Greek Peninsula. 


If these conjectures be correct, and if an Eastern 
Kmpire imparted in various quarters of the North 
and West the first germ of a civil society extending 
beyond the scale of the village community, it is 
matter of extreme interest to note the difforinton οἵ 
mode and of result with which the gift was received 
by different races and regions. If we judge by the 
length of the genealogies in Homer, Troas wad the 
seat of States older than any in the Achaian Penin- 
sula, those, namely, of Ilion and Dardania. I¢ is in 
Dardania only, the older of the two, that we find the 
Anaz andrén. And it is true that we have no de- 
tailed account of Dardanian manners and institutions. 

We have, however, this detail in the case of 
Troy, and we have no reason to assume a substantial 


difference between them. But as between Trojan and 


L3 


Achaian, in the political department, we find marked 
differences all along the line. The Trojan State has 
indeed a King and an Assembly, but they do not 
present so much as the beginnings of free speech, of 
real deliberation, or of national life. The bribes of 
Paris appear to supply the main motive power. All 
is coloured with an Asiatic hue. And so among the 
Phaiahes, where the colour of the description is not 
Hellenic but Phoenician. A recent American com- 
mentator! remarks on the absoluteness of Alcinous 
in his kingship, there being assemblies, but no 
debate; only immediate acquiescence in the views 
of the King. But in the Achaian communities, 
whether at peace, as in Ithaca, or in the camp before 
Troy, we recognize the elements of the grand con- 
ceptions I have named. They may not indeed be 
fully and consistently developed, but they are visible 
everywhere in their outline, and they reach even up 
to the point where we find that the will of the 
supreme chieftain is liable to be checked in a regular 
manner by other judgments; lable, we may almost 
say, to be out-voted. So that when, at nearly the 
lowest point in the fluctuating fortunes of the army, 
Agamemnon has proposed to abandon the expedition, 
he is resolutely resisted in debate by Diomed, and the 
general feeling of the soldiery compels him to give 
way.” 

1 Merriam, Phuenician Episode, on Od. vil. 2. 
* Il. ix. 46, seq. 


4 


Here we have exhibited in a particular case the 


essential character of the Achaian receptivity. What 


the East had the faculty of conceiving, but not of 


developing, the more elastic and vigorous nature of 


the Achaian Greek took over as an imparted gift, 
and then by its own formative genius opened out, 
enlarged, and consolidated in the form and with 
the effect of an original endowment. I shall pre- 
sently endeavour to unfold this proposition in a 
diversity of particulars. 

It will naturally be asked if the Egyptian Empire 
left upon once subject lands a trace of departed 
authority in the title Anax andron, did it not impress 
on the traditions of the Achaian race any note of its 
own conception of kingship, and of the remarkable 
connection which it had established between rovalty 
and divinity? The oldest dynasty given by Manetho 
is said to have been of the gods and demigods. The 
list of Egyptian kings on the Turin papyrus begins 
with a line of deities, the last of whom is Horus. 

The divine name Ra, incorporated in the names of 
kings, carries downward into historic time the 
memory of this belief; and it is not surprsing that 
we should find a pretty distinct trace of the same 
belief in the Homeric Poems. I refer to his use 
of the two phrases Diotrephes, Zeus-nurtured, and 
Diogenes, Zeus-born. The first of these is applied 
to the race of the Phaiahes, with the distinct 


1 Rawlinson, Herod, ii. 337. 


15 


intention of representing them as of the kin- 
dred of the gods;' and in the Ihad we have it 
used to signify the kings of cities as a class.* It is 
nowhere otherwise employed except in a line* where 
it has been allowed to supplant an old and 1 
believe legitimate reading, and where it is little 
better than senseless. Once, in the singular, it is 
applied caressingly by Achilles to his instructor, 
Phoinix.* But it may be stated generally that both 
words are confined in Homer to Royal personages 
with a remarkable strictness; and, as if further to 
impress on them the characters of titles, the favourite 
usage of them is in the vocative. Conformably with 
the sense of these remarkable epithets, the ances- 
tries of the Homeric Kings often run up to Zeus; 
sometimes to Poseidon, and this probably in his 
character as a god supreme in his own proper regions 
and mythologies. It seems easy here to perceive a 
real connexion with the Egyptian idea and practice. 
But again, we have to notice that the transplanta- 
tion into Achaian Greece of the Asiatic or Egyptian 
notion did not imply continuing confinement within 
its bounds. The poet availed himself of the vener- 


able character thus accorded to the bearers of civil 


authority, the basis of which he always regards as 
divine; but this did not lead him into the region of 


despotic ideas. Nothing ean be less like the Eastern 


despot than an Achaian King, who has to rely upon 


oy? 


1 Od. v. 278 2 TI. 11. 60. 3 7], iv. 480. * Tl. 1x, G00. 


‘ * 


16 


reason, upon free speech, upon the assembly, as prin- 
cipal governing forces; and who seems to supply an 
historic basis for the succinct but very remarkable 
description given by Thucydides of the early Greek 


rulers as kings upon stipulated conditions.' 
But before proceeding to details, Ϊ will describe 


certain impressions, strictly relevant to the present 


subject, which have resulted from my long study of 


the poems, and which, if they be correct, would prove 
that Homer himself had an energetic and also a 
methodical conception of the obligations of his 
country to the Kast. It is, I believe, generally 
admitted that in Achilles, the protagonist of the 
Iliad, we have a superb projection of the strictly 
Hellenic character, magnified in its dimensions to the 
utmost point consistent with the laws of poetical 
probability. In the epithet Hellenic is conveyed 
that wonderful receptivity which first accepted and 
then transmuted the Eastern rudiments of civilization. 
But, by the side of this Hellenic form of character, 
there is another at once its sister, its rival, and its 
complement; and, as the [liad is the triumphal 
procession of the one, so the Odyssey is the deathless 


monument of the other. It is remarkable that the 


poet has placed these two, different as they are, 


in relations of close sympathy and attachment, so 
that they never clash ; while, of the two next Achaian 
heroes, Diomed has no point of personal contact with 


1 Thue, 1. 13. 


17 


Achilles (offering, indeed, to carry on the war with- 
out him), and Ajax becomes involved in a deadly 
feud with Odysseus. The distinctness of the two 
sreat dominating characters enables them to fit 
into, to integrate one another, and jointly to ex- 
press the entire mental and moral aggregate of 
the race. There was indeed a third ethnical in- 
eredient, the Pelasgian, which perhaps had to bide 
its time for its own proper development. For the 
Homeric and heroic picture, Achilles and Odysseus 
between them exp! 1 all that was great, signal, 
and formative in Achaianism. We may perhaps sum 
up the greatness of Achilles in this, that he ex- 
pressed a colossal humanity. What was it that he 
did not express? He did not express, and Odysseus 
did, the many-sided, the all-accomplished, the all- 
enduring man: the polutropos, the polumetis, the 
tlemon, the poluttls, the polumekanos, the porkilo- 
metis, the poluphron, the daiphron, the talasiphron— 
in whom this is perhaps above all remarkable, that 
the completeness of his structure, the firmness of his 
tissue, raised his passive even up to the level of his 
active qualities. 

Let us look a little round the circumference of 
the man. In battle he is never foiled. In counsel 
he is supreme. His oratory is like the snow flakes 
of the winter storm. Victor in the severe strength- 
contests of the Twenty-third Iliad, he conquers also 
among the Phaiakes in their game of skill. This is 


( 


Ι ὃ 


ἃ specimen only; and he tells them he is no bad 
hand at any of the athletics practised among men.’ 
He is the incomparable bowman, who performs a 
feat otherwise beyond human strength. His is the 
spirit of boundless patience which enforces silence 
in the cavity of the horse. But the range of his 
accomplishments also includes every manual art. In 
the island of Calipso he appears as the ship carpenter. 
As the ploughman he ean challenge a haughty suitor 
to compete with him in harvesting corn all day till 
nightfall without a meal, or in driving the straiphi 
and even furrow with a team of powerful oxen.? In 
his own palace, he built his chamber after the Phe- 
nician manner, that is, with great hewn stones.? It 
Was reared over a full-crown olive tree, which he 
cut at a proper height, and then shaped the stump 
into his nuptial bed. Into this he wrought inlaying 
of gold, of silver, and of ivory, and this opera- 
tion supplies the sole instance in which not merely 
any Achaian chieftain, but any Achaian whatever is 


found in the Poems to execute a work of art. That 


it is such is undeniable. for he applies to it the very 


term daidallién. from Daidalos. whose name may be 
said to give the summit level of art for those re 
Even the bed-covering expresses the same ew ot 
foreign art, for it is dyed with purple (phoiniki) which 
earries the Phoenician name.* Alone among the 


] ’ raat on 2 > Ε ese ~~ ~ 
Od. viii. 190, 214. 2 Od. xviii. 365-75. 
ἡ QO}. xxiii. 192. * Od. xxiii. 188-901. 


19 


Achaian Greeks, he elevates his manual labour into 
the region of genuine art; as he was also alone 
among them in presenting to us the character of a 
daring navigator prepared to face distant voyages 
with the extremes of climate and adventure. 

[ have endeavoured elsewhere to show how 
Ithaca, as well as its head, abounds in the signs 
of Phoenician association.’ Here I will only observe 
that if the character of Odysseus has been based by 
Homer upon Phoenician elements, trained by Hellenic 
contact and experience into a superior development, 
and set out in the Poems by the side of the purely 
Hellenic Achilles, there cannot be a more decisive ex- 
hibition of a belief in the mind of Homer that the 
institutions and arts of life viewed as an 
were imported from the Kast. 

But, over and above this universality of Odysseus 
in the arts of life, he bears the Phcenician stamp in 
what may be termed his eraft. In the Thirteenth 
Odyssey, Athené signifies to him pretty plainly * that 
there can be no use in their endeavouring to impose 
upon one another, as he is first of all mortals in 
counsel and in figments, while she has a corresponding 
precedence among the Immortals. In general, a high 
prudence is the characteristic of each, sometimes 
degenerating into cunning. This combination of 
prudence with cunning 1s everywhere in the Poems a 


1 See Phoenician Affinities of Ithaca, Nineteenth Century, Aug., 
1889, ? Od. xiii. 296-9. 


»() 


leading Pheenician characteristic, and it supplies a 
fresh note of affinity between the Pheenician idea 
at large and the wonderful and consummate character 
of Odysseus. 

Let me now endeavour to show in some important 
details how this general idea receives its verification 
from the Poems. I have spoken of government. 
In the oreat chapter ot religion the case 15 ditterent. 
There is but little in Homer to associate the loftier 
elements of the Olympian religion with Egypt or 
Assyria or the race of Phoenician navigators ; and the 
same may be said as to the Nature worship which 
was probably the previous religion of the mass of pre- 
Hellenic inhabitants. The principal contribution from 
Phcenician sources to the mixed scheme of this Achaian 
thearchy was the great god Poseidon. But of all the 
chief deities οἵ the system, Poseidon 1S the lowest in 
type. Powerful as an exhibition of force, he is nowhere 
in touch with such ethical elements as subsist in the 
Olympian religion, or with its least materialistic 
elements. But when we turn from the religion to the 
ethnography of the poems, the cod Poseidon becomes 
to us a great fountain head of instruction. First we 
identify him as at every point associated with the 
Phceenician name and character. Of the Phaiakes 

, 
who are so deeply coloured with their attributes, 
he is the supreme local deity, and they are 
indeed his kin. In the conventional triad of Hamer 


he rules the sea, of which they are the earthlv 


2] 


masters. Nestor is, next to Odysseus, the chieftain, 
who exhibits the Phcenician quality of prudence 
bordering upon craft: but Nestor is his descendant, 
and there were others of his lineage in the Western 
Peleponnesos, where we find the Anaz andron in the 
person of Augeias, who may have been of the same 
race, Next we note conclusive evidence that Poseidon 
is a southern deity. His descendants, the race of 
Kuklopes, have been shown! to be on the Libyan coast. 
He frequents the Aithiopes of the south to enjoy their 
sacrifices, even at a time when the Olympian gods are 
holding a solemn assembly ; and he seems to be 
specially associated with the Solyman mountains. 
He also carries the sure note of dark colour, and has 
the word Kvavoyairns not only for an epithet, but for 
a title. 

Such being his ethnical and such his local asso- 
ciations, let us next inquire what are the special attri- 
butions of this Deity, and we shall find that they at 
once supply us with three of the most essential con- 


stitutive elements of social existence—the instrument 


of sea passage, the imstrumeut of land passage, and 


the means of solid and permanent habitation. In 
relation to ships, it was his to orant the cood voyage 
or to refuse it. Achilles had no special connexion 
with Poseidon, but when, in the Ninth Iliad, he 
threatens to sail home, he says it will be accomplished 
‘f Poseidon? favours him. And so conversely the 


1 See Mr. R. Brown’s Poseidon. 2 1} ix. 362. 


voyage of Odysseus from Ocugié, though favoured 
by the gods at large, is doomed to fail because 
Poseidon has determined that he shall be wrecked. 
On the other hand the Phaiakes, who are special 
worshippers of Poseidon, excel all men in navigation 
as rowers, with a speed equalling that of the hawk 
in the air, or of the four-horse chariot on the plain,’ 
The main instrument of agriculture was the ox, but 
the main instrument of locomotion, and the erand 
auxiliary in war, was the horse. The connexion 
of Poseidon with the horse js even more intimate 
than with the ship. He unyokes and puts up the 
horses of Zeus on their arriving in Olympos,? which 
cannot be a simple note of inferiority, since Hore 
performed the same othce for Athené. The sloni- 
fication here of the horse attribute is made al] 
the more pointed, because this is the only act 
performed by Poseidon in Olympos. Peleus was 
of the lineage of Zeus : yel the deathless horses of 
Achilles were presented to his father not by Zeus 
but by Poseidon. Neleus had the distinction of 
a four-horse team: but Nelens was the child of 
Poseidon. When Antilochos was to be instructed 
in horse-craft, Poseidon united with Zeus in im- 
parting it. When Menelaos challenges Antilochos 
to purge himself in the horse-race, of a suspected 
fraud, he requires him to lay his hand upon the 
horses and to swear by Poseidon that he is inno- 


1 Od. xiii. 81-6. * Il. viii. 440, 


93 
cent of this incident. I know but one probable 
construction. It is that Poseidon was the nie 
the particular region, Africa, without doubt, Se | 
principally supplied the Achaian Peninsula with ᾿ 
horses. ‘There are still very curious traces of the 
ancient importation of horses from Africa = ἘῈ 
tract of Mediterranean Coast lying between a ἜΝ, 
and Hyeres, and bearing the designation of Pays 
des maures. | 

Not less remarkable is the relation between 
Poseidon, with the Phoenicians, and the construction 
of houses with hewn or wrought stone. We trace 
he perjury ol 


this connexion in the legend 
Laomedon, who is said to have withheld the pay 
stipulated to be paid to that asvamaty for ἐμ ἢ ᾿Ξ 
structed the walls of Troy. This legend Ἐπ ts Ly 
had its basis in some transaction with the Phoinikes, 
his worshippers. For it may be laid ae 5 
veneral rule that, wherever throughout the Poems 
we meet a mention of skilled building or ornamenta- 
tion, or of the use of hewn stone, it 1s among men 


who stand in association with the Phoenicians 


Thus we have an imposing description ot the palace 
of Alhinoos, and of the buildings of his soa fe but 
through Phaiakes, Homer signified Phones,’ We 
have a case of inferior but similar magnificence " 
the palace of Menelaos; but then Menelaos hac 


ioht years in Eastern travel, and had ac- 
spent eight years in Eastern travel, 


2 Od. vii. 44-6, F 1 Seg. 


1 Ul. xxiii. 52-5. 


= 25 

quired much substance ἃ ae ih ᾿ 
would naturally ote Maceo bg ὃς ¢ cig | I come next to art. And here it has to be observed 
Poluphemos, brutal me had ea tion Ἔνθα that, although the use of the potter’s wheel is known 
his sheep and goats built of , ἣν | ἣ uci tor in Homer, yet there is nowhere an association of this art 
Poluphemos was the son of "7 ΠῚ ᾿ but with the effort to produce beauty ; nowhere, therefore, 
with the oreat building en " sang a allied an indication of the fine arts, except im connexion 
along that the ἜΝ ΣΉΜ seit μὴ assumed all either with metals or with embroidery. To begin 
acquainted with agriculture before {] hi tania were with embroidery, which is the smaller of the two 
Phoenicians, or of spa wl | We μ ΤΟΒὲ ΘΕ ay: subjects. When, in the Sixth Jliad, Hecuba has to 
Whose nationality was covered select the most precious robe she possesses for a pro- 


by their name. This [| think. is suffc; 
, ἃ, » 1010 ro . ‘is ἢ ᾿ i ‘ 
lently shown pitiatory offering to Athene, she chooses the largest 


by the etymology of A portion of the } ἱ " 
ames given and the best adorned with patterns, which clittered, 


to Achaian soldiery. which is indicative af 
and is marked]v οὔ ορομβ νηοῦ of Ων, too, like a star.! Now it is probable that Troy may 
| know but one place in “un ἢ oi — have been more advanced in art than Greece, for it 
the East specially with ῃ Ἢ ie sie sii a was an older settled country, if we judge by the 
where the cultivation of ep hosing lt τ number of generations allowed by Homer from the 
specially commended. But. ma Peg, : isi eS “i first ancestors. But this choice robe and the collection 
is for advances beyond this stage of ea " das from which it was taken were not the work of Trojan 
that we have to look to the aes | a ΒΡΟΡΈΘΒΕ women. They were wrought by the damsels whom 
I think that already the debt ΦΉΜΗΝ ' ucle. And Paris brought with him over sea from Sidon. In this 
sula to the East has Βορὴ ilies ῳ ', ‘i Tay ! inal case the word poikilmata, which describes the patterns, 
Let us carry the process somewhat fur aaa panaeaa does not seem to include representations of the human 
the difficulty would be to ens | 2g er. In truth form, which Homer, with his intense sense of form, 
life, as exhibited in the Poems me cin the ΠΗ Οἱ would hardly have allowed to pass as mere decoration. 
at least in germ, from SHES Ἵ ii sit derived, When Penelope resorts to her famous device in the 
ς astern and South-Eastern Odyssey,” we are told only of its size and fineness. 
It was meant professedly for a shroud to enwrap the 


SOU ws γῷ } T m Ρ #) ᾿ it » 
irces. Nothing has been said of huntine lt may 
δ" 5 


robab! 7 have 1A . : 
I y have been known in some s] at 
body of Laertes ; and the mere incident that 1t was 


. mW lape as : le- 
fensive inc . : ai 
ensive incident of rural] ‘SUI 

al pursuits before it had o 
. . ᾿ il ac rT Ἶ | 
into a recognised princely pursuit crown unwoven at night shows that it was not a work of 


1 Od. iv, 8: ()() 
YT vi 280, oes. 9.08. ὲ DOK 09,195, 


WW i 
{) 


dyssey Was ohe for spinning only; and even this 


was a gift made to her in Egypt.' In the Third 


Iliad, however, we find her employed in her chamber 
upon a web upon which she embroidered (enepassen 
is the word, used upon this occasion only) many 
combats of the Trojan and Achaian warriors.” Here 
and here only in Homer (as we must except αὐτῆ 
wholly ideal), we have that higher form of art 
which consists in the representation of the human 
form. But the foreign derivation is here obvious. 
for we must suppose Helen to have learned lie 
art either at Sidon, which* he had visited in her 
company, or from the Sidonian attendants of whom 
mention has been made. 

Metallic art holds a more important place in the 
poems than embroidery, and it assumes more forms 
than one. Most commonly it is exhibited in coittable 
articles of war or other use: but it is also an 
auxiliary of architecture, which nowhere, except in 
connexion with metallic workmanship, approaches to 
an ornamental character. This art is so entirelv 
Kastern in its associations. that the possession of i 
by Oclysseus supplies one of the substantive πον 
sumptions that he was modelled upon lines originally 
Phoenician. Hephaistos and Athen? ‘ are the iw 
standing instructors in arts, she for women in textile 
work, and he for metals. His name appears to fall 

1 Od. iv. 125-35. > Ai. τ 125. > dhe Wis 292. 

. 160, 


within the statement of Herodotus as to gods whose 
designations were derived from Egypt. His divinity 
was probably established on the coasts of the AXgean 
as that of a nature power, for the name is more than 
once used as synonymous with the element of fire.’ 
But this character is in him wholly subordinate to 
that of the worker in art, and he fights against Troy, 
which is befriended by the nature powers. His true 
character is that of the art-worker. He builds the 
Olympian palaces. He fashions the shield of Achilles. 
He made the most precious of all the valuables in the 
palace of Menelaos, a silver howl, with edges of gold, 
and this bowl was presented to the Achaian Prince 
by Phaidimos, the King of Sidon.? The silver bow! 
civen by Achilles as a prize in the foot race was of 
Sidonian manufacture, and was brought to Greece by 
Phoenician traffickers. The signs of his handiwork 
abound in the palace of Alkinoos, where he made 
the golden and the silver dogs. Throughout the 
poems nothing can be clearer than the association 
of metallic art with the Pheenician coast. Even a 
superficial view of the Homeric text cannot fail to 
recognise in this particular respect the debt of the 
Greek Peninsula to the East. 

But, as it was the general rule of the Greek race to 
improve upon the benefactions they thus acquired, we 
have a very signal example of such improvement in 

1 Tl. ii, 226; Od. xxiv. 71. 2 Od. iv. 617; xv. 117. 


3 Od. vi. 92. 


“Ph 
ad 


the case of works in metallic art. With an extra- 
ordinary daring, the Achaian poet endows these 
works with automatic motion, and even with the 
gift of understanding. The lame Ilephaistos, as he 
proceeded to his anvil and _ his forge, was propped 
by female figures in gold, which he had wrought, 
and which were educated in accomplishments by the 


ot mn M yl . . " f 
mmortals." So likewise in the palace of Alkinoos, 


Ϊ 
besides the golden youths who hold torches to lioht 
t 


he banquet, and who are named without anv other 
express specification, the golden and ailvar watch 
dogs, which have already been named, are endowed 
with the life which was needful for the performance 
of their office, and are exempt both from death and 
Irom old age.* In the marvellous details of the 
Shield, the poet seems always to be imparting life 
to the metallic product. Thus wonderfully was he 
made at once the recorder of what the East had 
invented, and the prophet by anticipation of those 
more splendid triumphs which in the aftertime his 
countrymen were to achieve. 

[ might show if time permitted the connexion 
between the Pheenician idea and the establishment 
of the Games, the knowledge of drugs, the use of 
pork as an article of food. and the supply of slaves 
to the Achaian region. Han 

But it is time to Say a few words on the case 
of Assyria, to which thus far | have made little 


Il. xviii. 376, 417-20, 3 Od. vii. 91-4, 100-2 


ae 
or no specific reference. ‘The Assyrians were too 
distant to be even within the range of the poets 


knowledge, as exhibited in his sketch’ of the travels 


< 


of Menelaus in the south-east. We are therefore 
led to the supposition that what the Achaians 
had obtained from Assyria they had obtained with- 
out definite acquaintance with the source whence it 
eame. and that the name and marine of the Phoenicians 
stood as an opaque curtain between them and the 
ereat south-eastern empire. Much, nevertheless, may 
have come, especially if in a fragmentary form. I 
have elsewhere? made a collection of particulars from 
the Homeric text which appear to betray an Assyrian 
origin. I say advisedly to betray, for we are wholly 
without direct information, and have only internal 
evidences to ouide us. <A portion of these I will 
briefly set forth :— 

1. Homer gives us the great encircling river 
Okeanos as the origin not only of rivers and fountains, 
but of gods and men. Compare a citation made 
by Dr. Driver from the tablets concerning Heaven 
and earth : 

“The august ocean was their generator, 
The singing deep was she that bare them all.” 


9. Thalassa, the Greek name for the sea, is of 


Chaldean origin. 


3. Poseidon has a marked correspondence with 


1 Od. lv. R83—5. 
2‘*Tandmarks of Homeric Study,” pp. 127, sqq., with the 
authorities are there cited. 


HU 


the Ilea of the Assyrian Triad or Trinity, in certain 
respects. Neither of them was an elemental god, but 
each was ruler of the sea. Poseidon was dark in 
line " and Hea Was the creator of the black race, 

4. Deification is found on the tablets in the case 
of Izdubar. The only instance of absolute and pure 
deification given by Homer is that of Leucothea. and 
she belongs to the Phoenician or Eastern circle, 

2. Babylonia records the cigantic size and strength 
of primitive man, and so Poseidon has relations with 
the giants in various forms. 

6. The Ishtar of the tablets appears to correspond 
with the Aphrodite of Homer, the passa ge of whose 
worship into Greece we can trace by her associa- 
tion chiefly with Paphos, and next with Cythera or 
Cerigo. 

7. Aidoneus, the Greek Pluto, has among his other 
epithets in Homer that of pulartes, the cate-fastener. 
The term receives little or no illustration from the 
Homeric text. But the Assyrian Underworld has no 
less than seven gates ; and its leading idea is not that 
of receiving the dead, but of shutting in the dead. 

ὃ, The relation of sonship, and ot a conformity of 
will attending it, between the god Merodach and his 
father is represented in a peculiar and most striking 
manner by the conformity of will between the Apollo 
of the lliad and his father Zeus. 

9. The Babylonian Triad of Anu, Bel, and Hea is 
the possible or probable source of the Homeric Triad 


of Zeus, Poseidon, and Aidoneus. 


10. Wherever there is any particular notice of stars 
in Homer it is always in Pheenician association, as if 
based upon accounts of the Chaldean astrology. 

11. Heptaism, or the systematic and significant 
use of the number seven, is peculiarly Chaldean. 
The only marked use of this number in Homer is for 


the seven gates of Thebes. Now Thebes was the 


only one of the Achaian cities distinctly traceable in 


Homer to an Eastern origin. 

12. Canon Rawlinson gives reasons for supposing 

the Assyrian gods to have been about 19 in number ; 
and Homer seems to use 20 as an approximate 
number for the Olympian gods. 
18. The descent of Ishtar to Hades caused oreat 
disorders in the Upper World. We may, perhaps, 
compare the threat of Helios to Zeus, that if his 
demand was refused he would cease to travel the sky 
and shine only in the Underworld.' 

14. On the tablet the Flood is the consequence 
of sin, and the allusion to a flood in an Homeric 
simile associates it with the sins of rulers. 

15. In the Babylonian system the Moongod is 
the father of the Sungod. In Homer the moon is 
nowhere personified, but thrice we find the sun 
invested with the patronymic Hyperion; and in 

each case the passage is one of strictly Oriental 
association. 

It will be observed that in this enumeration I have 
not yet alluded to the great gift of the alphabet 


ι Od. xii. 374-83. 


which has been commonly recognised as a gift of the 
Phoenicians to Greece.! To this oift and to its source 
Homer bears witness in a single passage of the Sixth 
Ihad. It records the legend of Bellerophon, who is 
himself a descendant of Cleeus or Aiolas. and this 
name when found in Homer is, I venture to assert. 
a sure sion of Phoenician association. The other 
chief actor, who transmits the written or symbolic 
message, 153 Proitos, and Proitos is the king of Argolis, 
an undoubted seat of immigration from the south-east. 


Yet one other remark, whatever the East gave to 


. 


the West, it did not supply Kurope with the basis of 


1ts social morality in the oreat article of marriage, 
Sexual license is, according to the Poems of Homer, 
traceably wider in the East than in Western regions ; 
and it is remarkable that at that early date we should 
find the line between polygamy and monogamy 
already drawn where it may be said generally to 
have lain ever since, namely, at the Bosphorus and 
the Dardanelles. 

I now, with renewed apologies, bring to a close 
this very humble contribution to a great cause. 
To have offered it will give me sincere pleasure, 
if it prove to be in any degree a source of interest 
or profit to any among the members of the Oriental 


Congress of 1892. 
W. E. GLADSTONE. 
July-August, 1892. 
' Rawlinson’s Herodotus, ii. 717, 9. 


LONDON: PRINTED ΒΥ Wa. Clowes ἃ Sons, Lrp., Sramrorp SrRerr AND CHARING Cross. 


